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Urbanization and it's effect on Female Empowerment Over history discrimination has been very common. Culture, race, sex among many other differences between people has been a source for this.
Traffic and Urban Congestion: 1955-1970
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The Definition And Discussion Of The Contemporary
Folklorists define urban legends as rumors or stories that are spread informally and widely accepted as truth. This spreading informally is typically orally but can take place in many.
BLACK RAGE: HISTORICAL STUDY
BLACK RAGE: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS Outline Thesis Statement: Throughout the history of the United States, as seen through an analysis of African-American literature and rhetoric, black rage.
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Islam and the state essay
After founding by Prophet Mohammed (570-632), Islamic civilization experienced a period of rapid expansion for about a 1000 years, but a period of decline set in and by the 19 th century many areas of the Moslem world had come under Christian imperial powers control.
Analytical skills in college
Academic writing assignments call for several different kinds of analysis, but we will discuss analysis under three general headings, rhetorical analysis. process analysis and causal analysis. (You may observe that in advancing these three subcategories of analysis, we are engaging in division. and specifically in selective, interpretive division.).
The purpose of rhetorical analysis is to discover how a text persuades its readers; the purpose of process and causal analysis is to discover and explain how a situation or issue works. In either case, analysis involves examining, selecting, and interpreting. process analysis and causal analysis focus on facts and relationships, figuring out how these facts and relationships work. rhetorical analysis focuses on how the argument of a text is structured.
We discuss these three forms of analysis in some detail below because each has useful applications in academic writing. In a humanities course such as literature, drama, languages, the classics--Greek and Latin or a related sub-discipline like cultural studies, media studies, or communication studies, you might be asked to analyze the rhetoric of a text. In a science course you might be asked to perform a process analysis, and social science courses may ask you to engage in causal analysis. These forms of analysis are not linked exclusively with specific disciplines, but as you learn more about analysis, you will see why different disciplines tend to make particular use of one type.
To analyze the rhetoric of a text is to figure out how it persuades its readers--not what it is attempting to persuade them of, but how it goes about accomplishing that task. Nor is rhetorical analysis directly concerned with whether the text's assertions are correct. Thus Kenneth Burke, one of the great American rhetoricians of the twentieth century, asserts that analyzing Hitler's rhetoric is a worthwhile task. It doesn't matter that you might violently disagree with Hitler's motives or his arguments, says Burke; in conducting a rhetorical analysis of his texts, you can learn a lot about the means by which people are persuaded. Hitler was able to persuade a great number of people to join him in a cause that is today widely denounced. How did he do it?
This is the compelling question of rhetorical analysis. It is a useful question for you to learn how to answer; with the ability to understand how you are persuaded, you are less vulnerable to manipulation.
Although few of your classes will assign you to write rhetorical analyses, learning to conduct this type of inquiry and write this type of paper can make appreciable contributions to critical thinking skills that you can then apply to your academic studies. Rhetorical analysis--being able to figure out how arguments work--can help you to understand how the various academic disciplines work. Conducting a rhetorical analysis of a linguistics text, for example, helps you understand how the discipline of linguistics asks and answers questions--by what means members of that discipline tend to form beliefs.
You may be asked to write a form of rhetorical analysis known as explication or close reading in literature classes, and, as we explain in "African American Women Writers," an ability to explicate a text is the first step in writing an effective paper.
Prewriting and organizing your material
A reader's summary is a good first step; it aids your understanding of the text. (See p. 000.) The reader's summary gives you preliminary--but essential--information. Once you have drafted your reader's summary (which, in a task of rhetorical analysis, is a form of prewriting ), you should ask yourself three preliminary questions: "What is the thesis of this selection?" "What reasons does the author give for me to believe this thesis?" "What other points of view does the author acknowledge or explore?" Again, as part of your prewriting, write out your answers to these questions.
Questions to ask as you perform a rhetorical analysis
Now you are ready to begin your rhetorical analysis, collecting material that will lead you to your own thesis and that will become part of your essay. This analysis is best achieved by asking a whole series of questions, beginning with the following:
What is the context of this text? Where was it published, and when?
Who is the intended audience for this text? (Sometimes that question can be answered from the context, and sometimes there are clues in the text that tell you who the writer imagined his or her readers to be.) Does the text demonstrate a respect for its audience? What stance does it adopt toward that audience--one of teacher, colleague, supplicant? Is the text superior to the audience? Is it the equal of its audience? Is it afraid of or hostile towards its audience? Does it welcome the audience into the discussion, or exclude them from it?
By what means does the text seek to persuade its readers of the thesis? By appealing to their emotions, their fears? By citing authorities? By recounting personal experience, observation, or research? By building the author's own credibility as an authority on the subject or as a generally knowledgeable person? By adducing empirical data--statistics, tables, graphs, and the like? (See the discussion of ethos. logos. and pathos on pp. 000-000.)
How does the text establish that this evidence actually supports the argument--or does it assume that you, the reader, automatically agree that this evidence is valid and sufficient?
Whom does the text portray as the enemies of its argument? Whom does it portray as its friends?
To what extent does the text consider counterevidence --alternative points of view? Are these given serious consideration, or are they "shot down" without a trial?
To what extent does the text acknowledge the complexity of the issue--or does it try to make it seem that the issue is a simple one, with only one "right" answer? Does the text give you options for the conclusions you reach, or does it portray all who disagree with it as ill-informed or even villainous?
What does the text leave out? (If you know something about the issue, ask yourself whether the text is suppressing counterevidence or complexity.) Do you get the "whole picture" from this text? (Keep in mind that no text can cover every aspect of its topic; but on the other hand, when a text seems to suppress key information or perspectives, that is itself a part of its argument.)
How is the text organized? For example, does it include numbered lists of evidence? (Such lists are interesting to interpret. On one hand, they may help the reader keep track of complex information. But in some texts, numbered lists seem to function not to prevent the reader's cognitive overload but to make it seem that there are no options other than those in the numbered lists.)
Consider word choices and the arrangement of ideas. These should provide you with insightful material. Often such inquiry will reveal methods of argument that the author may not have even been consciously using but that nevertheless affect readers' understanding of and response to the material. Words like political correctness and family values, for example, are catchwords that call upon readers' emotions. Americans have so exhausted themselves in argument about the issues of political correctness and family values that the labels for them now announce not a logical argument but an emotional one. When phrases like political correctness and family values are used, it is usually for the purpose of bringing discussion to a close, rather than opening it up.
More generally, though, word choices substantially influence how an argument is developed. Words like progress, for example, marshal readers to the writer's cause. Who doesn't approve of progress? When you hear or read the word, you may respond positively, without thinking about the connotations of progress. One particularly good place for considering issues of word choice is in the text's presentation of evidence and counterevidence. Do the emotional associations of the word choices change according to whether the text is talking about evidence or counterevidence? (i.e. are words with negative emotional association used to describe counterevidence, and words with positive emotional association used to describe the evidence?)
Once you've collected your preliminary data on the means whereby the text advances its argument, you may find it useful to compare those means with the rhetorical strategies of other texts you have read on the same topic. Or you might compare the text's rhetorical strategies with the rhetoric of other texts that you have analyzed. Think about what such comparisons might reveal about the rhetorical structure of this text.
Once you have completed this analysis, you are ready to begin writing your paper. As you do so, consider what your own argument will be, and what evidence you will offer in support of it. Your thesis will probably be a statement of something valuable that you have learned from the process of conducting rhetorical analysis of this text, and your evidence will probably be drawn from your answers to some of the questions above. See page 000-000 for a discussion of possible patterns of organization.
Process analysis offers the steps whereby an effect is achieved. Day-to-day life commonly involves three different types of process analysis. To read a recipe for spinach quiche is to read a process analysis that explains how to create an effect--the effect being a delicious dinner. Follow the steps of the recipe, and culinary delight (depending upon one's love of spinach, eggs, and what not) will result. In the academic world, a similar sort of process analysis is commonplace in science laboratory reports, which are intended to explain a process step by step so that the reader could replicate the experiment and the result.
This creative process analysis is not, however, the only type with which science students are familiar. Another common type is that in which the intended result is the reader's comprehension of how something works. The objective of such process analyses is not that the reader go out and follow the steps presented in the process analysis, but rather that he or she understand how the end product occurs. We generally cause such pieces comprehension-based process analysis.
We might also distinguish a third sort of process analysis, one in which the desired result is not so much that the reader create something nor that he or she understanding something, but that he or she do something. This type of process analysis is well known to all American grocery shoppers. The checkout counters are rife with magazines that tell readers how to behave differently. Typically that behavior has an explicit result, such as not being fat, or having a better sex life, or not being depressed. But the desired result is not just a product like skinniness; it is also an ongoing behavior. This type of process analysis is not very common in academic writing; most college courses, when they undertake process analysis, have either creation or comprehension as the desired result. A few courses, however--those that are skill-based, like composition courses--do engage students in process analysis with desired behavioral outcomes.
To the extent that many of the social sciences also use a version of the scientific method, it should not be a surprise to find examples of process analysis in social science texts, too, especially in a discipline like economics.
Drafting the introduction and organizing your material
Regardless of the desired outcome--creation, comprehension, or behavior modification--when you are writing a process analysis, you must describe each of the steps in the process, in the order in which they are to be performed or were performed. Thus the process analysis to some extent resembles narration: both typically depend upon strict chronological order. If the process is complex, the introduction to your paper should summarize it, so that the reader has a general sense of it before you launch into the detailed steps. Depending upon the assignment, you may also want the introduction to explain the significance of the process.
Because of the interpretive aspect of analysis, it's always wise for the writer to consider alternative interpretations. Ask yourself, "What if I'm wrong?" or "Why would a reasonable, well-informed person not agree with me?" These questions will lead you to counterevidence, explained earlier in this chapter (pp. 000-000). Analysis is one of the modes of writing in which counterevidence is particularly important; it should be incorporated into your essay in a substantial way.
Learning through writing--questions for peer response
Read your peer's essay, then answer the following questions:
What thesis does your peer's process analysis support?
Do the steps that you peer explains follow strict chronological order?
Does your peer use any other form of writing (such as comparison and contrast or narrative) to set
up the process analysis. Do you consider this strategy a success?
What type of result--creation, comprehension, or behavior modification--does your peer's process
analysis seem to have as its objective? What cues in the text lead you to your answer?
To what extent does your peer's process analysis achieve its result with you, the reader?
Focusing on why an event happens, this form of analysis is typical of social science writing. Sociolinguists want to know why speakers of a colonial dialect continue using linguistic items that speaker of the parent language form have dropped; urban geographers want to know why people stop to talk right in the middle of pedestrian traffic instead of stepping a few feet aside, into a very appealing streetside park; economists want to know why women's wages are lower than men's. Their explanations illustrate causal analysis. Some people call it cause-and-effect analysis. It differs from process analysis in that it analyzes not how something occurs, but why. Usually that "why" analyzes events that have already happened (as in history and anthropology), but sometimes (as in political science or economics) it may try to predict what will happen, and why.
Counterevidence plays an important role in causal analysis. Most social phenomena, for example, are not conducive to single-cause analysis; rather, a number of factors contribute to the phenomenon. As a critical reader of causal analysis, you should ask yourself whether the text is acknowledging other possible causes of the effect described. As a writer of causal analysis, you need to give serious consideration to possible alternative interpretations to your thesis.
Causal analysis often occurs with or employs other modes of writing, such as narration or classification. What distinguishes causal analysis is its purpose, the purpose of explaining why a phenomenon occurs.
Drafting the introduction and organizing your material
The introduction to a causal analysis should identify the effect whose cause will be analyzed; provide a thesis that states what you believe to be the cause of that effect; and give the audience a sense of why it is useful to identify causes of this effect.
The body of the essay, as you have seen, can take on a number of different forms that have already been described in this chapter. Regardless of how you approach your task, though, you should be sure that the body of your essay clearly explains the cause(s) and why you believe that they constitute a plausible explanation. You should also include counterevidence: what other possible causes might an intelligent, well-informed person offer, and why don't you subscribe to those explanations? In addition, as you advance causes, take into account not only the immediate, obvious causes, but also the underlying ("mediate") causes. What, in other words, causes the causes? Cause and effect is seldom a one-two process; rather, it involves a whole series of events.
The conclusion of the essay is a good place to make policy recommendations, if they are appropriate to your task. If recommendations are your choice for concluding the essay, be prepared to have a longer-than-ordinary conclusion. Policy recommendations should not be made quickly and then abandoned; they demand explanation and detail.
Hearing about China reminds almost everyone of the definite times that define the Asian culture in the pages of human history. From the days of development of China towards its current state, there is one particular mark that makes their people and the country itself from the other areas of the world, their culture. Preserved through times, China never forgets of its roots of definition, its roots. Even though the age of development has already embraced most of the major cities of China, it could be observed that somehow, their culture and their traditions never cease to affect the life of the majority of the people living in the country. (Weiss, 1973)
This is especially seen in the city of Shanghai. Through the years, Shanghai has become one of the vessels of Chinese culture. Basically, this is the fact that defines the inclusion of Shanghai among the most well developed yet deeply culturally rooted cities in the country (Franz, 1920). Through the years of development, Shanghai administrators have gone through times of progress that lead them to where they are right know, a well-developed city with everything to offer to the world. Teaming with tall structures, wondrous night scenes and basically an industrial source of income for the people, the city is able to create more possibilities of life development in the country. (Franz, 1932)
For the tourists though, having all these material things around the city might seem to be a bit overwhelming already. This is because of the fact that almost every country around the globe practically boasts about its urban life progress. So, what sets Shanghai apart from other cities? It is basically the city’s culture. Although well-developed and embraced by material presentations of wealth and advancement, Shanghai still creates a massive definition of China’s culture from the olden times. This is especially seen through their villas that even tourists are welcomed to use. In this study, a focus on how culture tourism boosts the beauty as well as the economy of Shanghai shall be discussed. With the use of different materials, both researched and advertised; a comparison of what Shanghai China is in real terms and in marketing approaches shall be examined. Also, through a guided research, this composition of written study shall create a more vivid discussion of how properly created is Shanghai’s presentation of the Chinese culture from then until now. A bountiful knowledge about cultural tourism shall be the researcher’s guide in creating a more definite approach in tackling the different issues that are affective on the topic being given focus in this study.
In this study, the researcher aims to portray through discussion how Shanghai China is marketed to a wide community of tourists from all around the globe. Hence, in a concise statement, this research aims to promote culture tourism in Shanghai. Through the identification of the role of the Shanghai Villas in assessing this particular possibility of introducing the city towards the world, the researcher shall try to search on how much possible it is for the regular Chinese marketing to take on the challenge of inviting individuals to come and visit the city through utilizing its culture seen through the villas as a primary inviting interest.
To be able to come up with an effective approach in discussing the different issues that are to be handled in this study, these questions shall stand as the primary guiding lines that are sure to provide clear understanding of what the entire research is going to be about:
(a)If cultural tourism is considered an important part of the modern tourism industry, how could Shanghai, a traditional city in China, be able to withstand the challenge of the modern tourism industry through marketing their culture if they are currently under the major influences of colonial thinking that comes from the western areas of the world culture?
(b)What are the Shanghai villas and how are they considered to have a good a sense of contemplation in the field of modern tourism as the primary feature presentation of the original culture that first spurred in the city?
(c)If the villas bring forth the best original culture that China has, what particular characteristics of these homesteads actually bring about the interest among the vacationers as an invitation towards visiting the area?
(d)What particular kind of culture is Shanghai showing the world and how does it actually prefer the different kind of approach in cultural tourism?
(e)In dealing with modern international competition of the current standing of commerce, it could be observed that somehow Shanghai is taking the fast chance of making a great name in the field of cultural tourism. Question is, how does the city ensure that it is at the top of the competition?
The issue of tourism and its industry has created a great opportunity for many cities that are under the developmental state of different developing countries around the globe to be marketed and somehow generate great sources of income for the city’s fund. This is a definitive indication that tourism is indeed an effective source of income for the people living in a city or a country where it is used to generate national GDP for the entire country. It highly interests the researcher that the instance by which he is able to measure the capabilities of Shanghai China to market itself as a highly cultural destination for tourists identifies the possibility of allowing cultural tourism be the basis of developing the sense of knowing and purpose among tourists around the globe.Buy Tourism Analysis essay paper online
A place where secondary and tertiary functions and professional services dominate over primary ones, and two-thirds of people are engaged in non-agricultural occupations, that place is a ‘town’ in India. And, invariably it must have shops, banks and institutions providing amenities like health, education, culture and entertainment.
India primarily is a country of villages and most of the population of India is living in villages, hamlets or a small group of huts. Nonetheless important is a fact that our country is the largest urbanized nation in the world. Asoka Mehta, in an International Seminar on “Urbanization in India” pointed out that at present; India is under the pressure of two forces – rapid rate of population growth and increasingly rapid rate of urbanization.
Before going into these details our immediate concern is to know: what does the term ‘urban’, ‘town’ or ‘city’ imply as contrasted with ‘village’ or ‘hamlet’? In other words we must be clear about the distinction between urban and rural.
Definition of an ‘urban’ area varies from country to country. For example, in Greenland a place with 300 or more people is called an urban area, while in Korea an urban area must have at least 40,000 inhabitants.
Difficulty in Case of India:
In India, there is a difficulty of defining a town by numbers because several modifications were introduced to make the definition concrete on the Census Report of India. Moreover, latitude has also been given to Census Superintendents regarding settlements on the borderline of ‘rural’ and ‘urban’.
Through the decades 1901-51 ‘town’ was defined by:
(1) Every municipality of whatever size;
(2) All civil lines (not included within municipal limits); and
(3) Permanent habitation with continuous collection of houses of not less than 5,000 persons (but decided as a town by provincial Superintendent).
In 1951, the above criteria remained the same but with a caution that places with a somewhat larger population than 5,000, and do not possess urban character (as decided by State Government in some states and Census Superintendents in others) may not be treated as towns. Statistics-based criteria, therefore, had certain limitations prior to 1961.
(i) There was an element of arbitrariness in the definition of town.
(ii) Decision about ‘big villages’ and ‘small towns’ rests largely on the discretion of Census Superintendents. It had many chances for lack of objectivity.
(iii) The aggregate urban population from decade to decade was based on individual judgement of scores of census officials.
(iv) The definition to include demographic data as well as administrative limits such as municipalities, notified areas, civil lines and cantonments suffers from lack of uniformity. The addition or deletion of municipalities may result into sudden increase or decrease in urban population.
(v) The census definition had also emphasis on ‘urban characteristics’ like water, electricity, schools, post offices hospitals, etc. But there was no specific list available of these, and everything was left to the discretion of the census authorities.
Town as Defined in Census :
Ashok Mitra, the Commissioner of 1961 Census, defined ‘town’ on the basis of:
(a) A density of not less than 1,000 per square mile;
(b) A population of 5,000;
(c) Three-fourths of the occupations of the working population should be non-agricultural; and
(d) The place should have a few pronounced urban characteristics and amenities as decided by the Superintendent of the State.
This definition too suffers from vagueness and discretion, and cases of elimination on the above basis had to be referred to the State Government for approval before being struck off the 1961 census list of towns. Similarly, all fresh cases of inclusion would be required to obtain the concurrence of the Registrar General’s office.
For 1971 and 1981 the census has used the same criteria.
Definition of an Urban Place by 1981 Census :
(a) A place with a municipality, corporation, or cantonment or notified town area, or
(b) A place satisfying all the following:
(1) Minimum population of 5,000.
(2) 75 per cent male working population as non-agricultural.
(3) Density of at least 1,000 person per square mile.
This concept too was vague because administrative status may have a population of less than 5,000 persons. Similarly, a large number of revenue villages may have 75 per cent male population engaged in non-agricultural occupations, but were not legally/administratively recognized as towns.
The density too is unrealistically low in the Indian context and states like Kerala, West Bengal and Bihar had densities well over 1,000 persons per square mile. A much higher value (around 1,000 persons per square kilometre) would be more appropriate in the Indian situation.
UN Point of View:
The above discussion shows that it is difficult to project a universally accepted cut-off point for areas of varied proportions of non-agricultural population and also varied densities and growth rates of populations. What follows is an arbitrary selection, but the basis which are used to define urban population should invariably be made clear by the countries in their respective context; United Nations Demographic Year Book, 1988 has cited the definitions of urban population for various countries.
Their analysis show much of varied ranges. For example, in Botswana, agglomerations of 5,000 or more persons including 75 per cent non-agricultural form urban places; while Argentina’s urban places do qualify with only 2,000 inhabitants. Peru’s urban centres include 100 or more dwellings.
In Canada, places of 1,000 or more persons having population density of 400 or more per square kilometer are urban, whereas USA has defined places with 2,500 persons as urban. In Japan, cities (shi) having 50,000 or more persons with 60 per cent or more of the houses located in the main built-up areas and 60 per cent or more population engaged in manufacturing, trade or other urban business qualify as urban.
Besides this, a ‘shi’ can also be an urban which has urban facilities and conditions defined by the prefectural order. In former USSR, constituent republics designate city/urban locality on the basis of numbers of inhabitants and predominance of agricultural, or numbers of non-agricultural workers and their families.
What is evident from the UN Demographic Year Book is that every country has its own definition of towns and cities for census purposes. This means that for a definition which may be universally accepted, numerical value has very little value. A numerically small settlement may have urban characteristics: like density, markets, administrative functions – while, on the other end of the scale, a numerically large settlement may be a specialized centre either of mining, power-resource or agricultural research, etc.
In case of India, it is not only 5,000 population which is essential for a town, but at the same time density over 1,000 per square mile plus 75 per cent of the adult male population engaged in work other than agriculture is required to qualify a settlement as a town.
This suggests density and function both are criteria for a town. This may be more or less a reliable criteria to judge a settlement whether it is a town or not. In the real sense of the term, a town is what is implied by the local people when they call a locality a town irrespective of statistical standard.
Functional Status: A Reliable Test to Qualify for Town:
In Indian Census 1991, the definition of urban was not basically changed and it was again based on density of not less than 1,000 persons per square mile, plus a population of 5,000 or more, and three-fourths of the occupation of the working population should be non-agricultural. The identification of a place as urban by this process calls for massive tabulations in a country like India where the number of towns in 1991 was 3,696.
In this context, it would be convenient to agree that all municipal areas are towns where urban functions including urban services and non-agricultural activities prevail over rural. In our Constitution much is left to decide by the respective states whether a place qualifies to attain a municipal status. Thus, it seems that there is no universal criterion for a place to be recognized as a municipal status.
We have to be satisfied by the fact that a place where secondary and tertiary functions and professional services dominate over primary ones, and two-thirds of people are engaged in non-agricultural occupations, that place is a ‘town’. And, invariably it must have shops, banks and institutions providing amenities like health, education, culture and entertainment.
On a world scale above 5,000 people may be acceptable simple numerical index, and there is less doubt on the point whether a centre is urban or non-urban. But above 10,000 populations there seems hardly any doubt about the status of a centre as a town.
If any misunderstanding crops up, then it is better to accept the opinion of local people whether they themselves consider a locality, a town. Defining a town by scholarly exercise would not be a meaningful effort towards understanding the nature of urbanism.
By the end of 20th century, problems of definition have increased manifold. There has been undoubtedly tremendous growth of urbanism and new terms like conurbation, metropolis and megalopolis were introduced in the Western world.
City population everywhere overflowed to usurp countryside and there appeared ‘suburbs’ all around a metropolis. A new term has been coined to reflect the change, and the ‘metropolitan village’ came up to house city workers who have invaded the countryside.
Urban functions too remained less reliable when a small village was found to perform area-serving role by its small shop, post office, school, dispensary and an institutional community centre. Being a village, it was not less active than a town for a rural countryside. Thus, a distinction between urban and rural has lost any real meaning almost everywhere.
Another problem is inherent in delimiting the area of a town physically or administratively. If a city is administratively bound by municipal regulations, its physical extent may cover larger areas, and conversely, the administrative area over-bound the physical extent. It is not necessary that both administrative bound and physical extent coincide.
It results into arbitrary division between rural and urban, and it becomes difficult to point out a crucial break between the two. In reality, the common denominator for definitions seems non-existent. Therefore, the recommendation of the UN, based on size is acceptable where the population above 5,000 forms a town.
How Many Live in Towns?
To make urbanization clear and understandable, an important fact is to estimate how many of the world’s people live in towns and cities. In developed countries, approximately six persons out of ten live in towns. In Britain, four out of every five are city dwellers. On the contrary, the fact about the developing countries is just the opposite where seven out of ten people live outside cities and towns. In India, only 25 per cent populations live in towns.
The urbanization process in the Western and Orient worlds may be shown by a graph given below:
The graph is concave in the beginning and convex in the 20th century in case of the Western world, whereas the Orient world is represented by a concave trend during the 20th century, and only at the end of the century and in the beginning of 21st it takes a bit of convex turn.
The figures of percentage show rate of urbanization over a given period in its increasing trend in case of the Western world over the Orient. The spread of urbanization is very uneven over the world surface. Only a few regions show extreme urbanization.
The figures by continental regions are given below:
The high figures for Oceania (Australia and New Zealand), and North America show great cities therein. But perhaps it is surprising that Europe is third with nearly three-fourths of its people living in towns of over 5,000.
Levels of Urbanization:
It is estimated that by the year 2050, most of the world would be urbanized. The countries of the developed world will be facing decreasing demand for agrarian labour but an increase in demand for technical sector workers of skilled knowledge. But in older settled countries where the economy is being characterized even today as semi industrialized, urban population ranges between 40 to 60 per cent.
There, the level of urban order is guided not by metro centres, but people occupy medium and small-sized towns. Of course, there has begun industrialization, but only a few industrial nodes appear besides market towns. World in its broad framework has two district levels of urban milieu: one, highly urbanized, and the second one is characterized by less urbanized.
High Level of Urban Order:
This includes the developed countries like Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Brazil, Venezuela, Eastern USA, Argentina, Canada, etc. Towns in these countries have grown into ‘metro’ and ‘mega’ centres and mostly possess coastal location.
Less Urbanized Order:
This order is seen in large areas of Asia, Africa, and South America. Urban population of these areas is facing a crisis of only a few centres with giant metropolises versus large number of small towns which are characterized by market-centres.
Levels in India:
Indian urban process is typically different either from the developed or underdeveloped world. This is because of the fact that in India it is not an easy task to identify the hierarchical level by regions. Since independence, there has been taking place a newer phenomenon of growing capitals challenging primary metropolises.
These include cities like, Jaipur, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Hyderabad, etc. These may be termed as metros of second order. At the same time, medium and small towns in India have been facing the problem of stunted growth. Consequently, urban levels in India is the process of regional economic development confiscated largely by metropolises and urban centres of one to ten lakh populations.
Thus, there appear three distinct levels of urban order in India:
(1) Primary metropolises.
(2) Secondary metropolitan centres.
(3) Medium towns and small urban places.
Primary Metropolitan Areas:
These include largely colonial cities of pre-independence time such as Kolkata, Mumbai, Chennai and also Delhi. These have been dominating India’s economy since early 19th century. Delhi too became the national capital in 1911 and after the independence its growth has been spectacular. Now, it has almost overshadowed the colonial cities.
Secondary Metropolitan Centres:
Some of the states have fully developed urban system characterized by their own million cities at the apex. They are exclusive cases of urban primacy. But at a lower level, the lakh cities (ranging between one to ten lakh populations) play an important role in the Indian urban system. There were over 225 such cities in India in 1991. They formed a secondary metro level.
Medium Towns Forming the Third Urban Level :
These have an important link by their function. Their role in the urban system cannot be minimized. They play roles of both ends – metro, as well as, small market towns. Medium town level is comprised of nearly one-fourth of the total number of towns, and also total urban population. However, at the base of the Indian urban system, there are nearly 60 to 70 per cent towns of India reckoned as small agricultural and market towns.
What is emerging Out of the Process?
The process of Indian urban scene reflects some important trends. In our country industrialization is a feature which began typically after independence. Thus, pre- and post-industrial processes have grown under different economic and political environs. This has given rise to two different patterns among urban centres. These two distinct aspects are known in urban terminology as (a) urban agglomeration, and (b) urban cluster.
The Census of India recognized in 1951 ‘town group’. This is actually a phenomenon very similar to urban agglomeration. In our country, at present, there are nearly 30 such agglomerations. Agglomeration is the tendency where in a number of smaller towns agglomerate around a major city may be million-city. This ultimately becomes a contiguous urban area.
Recently another pattern which has emerged is known as ‘urban cluster’. There are nearly twenty clusters at present having as many as 150 lakh-cities in India. The phenomenon of urban cluster is defined as the tendency of a number of cities to locate within a radius of 75-100 km from another major city acting as a focal centre for the surrounding cities. This phenomenon is quite distinct from that of being agglomerated one.
Indian urban process also reveals the spatial overlapping of different levels. The process represents juxtaposition of old and new, small and big, simple and complex and also ancient and modern. There has been a physical variability evolved because of terrain of plains, plateaus and hills. New relationships have come up by today’s complexities of urban functions and life.